文革时期的英文介绍
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发布时间：2022-11-25 07:48
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时间：2023-10-09 02:11
A comprehensive reform movement in China initiated by Mao Zedong in 1965 to eliminate counterrevolutionary elements in the country's institutions and leadership. It was characterized by political zealotry, purges of intellectuals, and social and economic chaos.
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具体描述
In September 1965 an article appeared in a Shanghai newspaper criticizing a historical play written in 1961, on the subject of the Ming official Hai Rui, renowned for his principled opposition to the Emperor. The play was a political parable, which had been carefully prepared and endlessly discussed to sharpen its political point. It was one of a number of works of literature from the period after the collapse of the Great Leap Forward in which historical figures were used as political parallels. It was an attack on Mao Zedong; its main point was the implicit identification of Hai Rui with Marshal Peng Dehuai, whom Mao had dismissed from his posts for his tenacious opposition to the Great Leap Forward. The critical article was published in Shanghai because Mao no longer had sufficient influence in the capital to secure its publication there.
Facing resistance to his condemnation of the offending play, Mao appealed to the young of China to launch their own criticism of privilege and the policies which bred privilege. The attack was not intended to be against persons; it was the system that had to be criticized on the grounds that in spite of the socialization of the means of proction, relations between leaders and led were essentially still ‘capitalist’ and reforms modelled on those which had already begun in Eastern Europe would only make the system worse. Mao's amanuensis, Chen Boda, in planning a new revolutionary play, described its central character: a man of perfect integrity and infinite conscientiousness, yet a tyrant; but he is not personally a tyrant; it is the system which leaves him no choice.
Liu Shaoqi attempted to keep the movement within bounds by dispatching work teams to the universities and colleges. The students resisted. Mao sided with them, and published among their wall posters a poster of his own, ‘Bombard the Headquarters’, indicating that it was the Party leaders who should be the main target of attack, not a few intellectuals. This led to the escalation of the protest into a serious political movement. The seeds of bitter conflict had by then already been sown, when the ‘Red Guards’ (the student organizations) split into two factions: the so-called ‘moderates’ who were led largely by the favoured children of the Party leaders, and were moderate only in their attempts to protect their parents but were violently immoderate in their attacks on writers and artists; and the ‘radicals’ who were often led by the children of bourgeois families whose members had been persecuted and discriminated against, as well as by the children of workers and peasants. Meanwhile, the struggle widened as China's several million deprived casual workers and members of other disadvantaged classes joined the radical students. The new Cultural Revolution leadership, formed of Mao's closest associates, called on the People's Liberation Army to hold the ring and prevent the use of force. As a result, many army units joined in the struggle. Bloodshed and vicious persecution of opponents ensued, and there was an almost complete breakdown of government. The power of the radicals reached its peak when they proclaimed a ‘Paris Commune’ government of Shanghai to replace the Chinese Communist Party hierarchy. The idea spread to other cities. Mao Zedong stepped in and condemned the Paris Commune, insisting that the Communist Party could ‘not yet’ be superseded. He created a new governing institution, the ‘revolutionary committee’, which brought together representatives of the radicals, cadres who had not been condemned for abuse of power and privilege, and local army units. Through these the Communist Party was to be rebuilt on the basis of popular election of its cadres. This, however, ensured that with the help of sympathetic units of the armed forces the Party could reassert unchanged authority. Open and popular election of cadres almost never occurred. The rest of the story of the Cultural Revolution is one of a protracted rearguard action by the left, which continued until Mao's death, and the subsequent arrest of his supporters brought the movement to an end.
